Jerusalem

Jerusalem

耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem)
by George A. Kiraz

Jerusalem

耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem)

Body

As the birthplace of Christianity and the main destination of pilgrimage, Jerusalem played an important role for Christians of all Syr. traditions. At times, however, Syr. Christians had a somewhat ambivalent attitude towards the ‘earthly’ Jerusalem, to which the idea of the ‘heavenly’ Jerusalem or the eschatological city of Jerusalem often was contrasted as a more productive locus of theological or ascetic reflection.

作为基督教的发源地和朝圣的主要目的地,耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 对于所有叙利亚 (Syr.) 传统的基督徒而言发挥了重要作用。然而,有时叙利亚 (Syr.) 基督徒对“地上的”耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 持有某种矛盾的态度,而“天上的”耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 的观念或耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 的末世之城常被与之对照,被视为一个更具成效的神学或苦修反思的场所。

Along with visitors and pilgrims from all over the Christian world, Syr. Christians started visiting Jerusalem or living there for some time no later than the 4th or early 5th cent. There is ample evidence of pilgrimages to Jerusalem throughout the centuries by both W. and E. Syrians.

与来自整个基督教世界的游客和朝圣者一同,叙利亚基督徒 (Syr. Christians) 不晚于 4 世纪 (cent.) 或 5 世纪初便开始访问耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 或在那里居住一段时间。几个世纪以来,西方和东方叙利亚人 (W. and E. Syrians) 前往耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 朝圣的证据十分充足。

At the Council of Chalcedon (451) Jerusalem became an independent patriarchate, but the Syr. Orth. Church and the Ch. of E., who either rejected or ignored this council, continued to see Jerusalem as being under the authority of the patriarchate of Antioch . Efforts to associate the Christians of Jerusalem with the resistance to Chalcedon, in particular in the years when Severus resided as patr. in Antioch (512–518), were largely unsuccessful, and the majority of Christians in Jerusalem and Palestine accepted the Council of Chalcedon. The Syr. churches, therefore, only had a marginal presence in Jerusalem. Due to their non-acceptance of the Council of Chalcedon, Syr. bps. of Jerusalem did not have the patriarchal rank, even though in the later period (from the 16th cent. onwards) the title of patr. was occasionally used by Syr. Orth. bps. In general, bps. of Jerusalem, of both Syr. churches, were metropolitan bps. (even though, with very few exceptions, they did not have suffragan bps.).

在迦克墩公会议 (Council of Chalcedon, 451) 上,耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 成为一个独立的宗主教区,但叙利亚正教会 (Syr. Orth. Church) 和东方教会 (Ch. of E.) 要么拒绝要么无视这次公会议,继续视耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 为处于安提阿宗主教区 (patriarchate of Antioch) 的权威之下。将耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 的基督徒与抵制迦克墩公会议 (Council of Chalcedon) 的行为联系起来的努力,特别是在塞维鲁 (Severus) 作为宗主教 (patr.) 居住于安提阿 (Antioch) 的年间 (512–518),大体上是不成功的,耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 和巴勒斯坦 (Palestine) 的大多数基督徒接受了迦克墩公会议 (Council of Chalcedon)。因此,叙利亚教会 (Syr. churches) 在耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 只有边缘性的存在。由于不接受迦克墩公会议 (Council of Chalcedon),耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 的叙利亚主教 (Syr. bps.) 没有宗主教品级,尽管在后期(从 16 世纪 (16th cent.) 起)叙利亚正教主教 (Syr. Orth. bps.) 偶尔会使用宗主教 (patr.) 的头衔。总的来说,两个叙利亚教会 (Syr. churches) 的耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 主教 (bps.) 都是都主教 (metropolitan bps.)(尽管除极少数例外,他们没有附属主教 (suffragan bps.))。

For the Syr. Orth. Church, a list appended to the Chronicle of Michael Rabo (App. IV) provides the names of bps. of Jerusalem. For the period until the early 6th cent., the names coincide with those of the bps. of the Imperial Church. For the period between ca. 500 and ca. 800 only a few names are preserved, and it is unclear whether we are dealing with the formal institution of a Jerusalem episcopacy. From the late 8th until the late 12th cent. Michael provides a continuous list of 25 Syr. Orth. bps. of Jerusalem, which is generally seen as reliable. For the subsequent period, from the 12th cent. until the present day, a list of all known bps. is available in Kiraz, 45–7.

对于叙利亚正教会 (Syr. Orth. Church),附于《米哈伊尔·拉博编年史》(Chronicle of Michael Rabo) 的一份名单(附录 IV (App. IV))提供了耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 主教 (bps.) 的名字。直到 6 世纪初 (early 6th cent.) 的时期,这些名字与帝国教会 (Imperial Church) 主教 (bps.) 的名字一致。对于约 500 年 (ca. 500) 至约 800 年 (ca. 800) 之间的时期,仅保留了少数名字,且不清楚是否存在着耶路撒冷主教制 (Jerusalem episcopacy) 的正式机构。从 8 世纪末 (late 8th cent.) 到 12 世纪末 (late 12th cent.),米哈伊尔 (Michael) 提供了一份连续的 25 位耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 叙利亚正教 (Syr. Orth.) 主教 (bps.) 名单,这通常被认为是可靠的。对于随后的时期,从 12 世纪 (12th cent.) 直到现今,所有已知主教 (bps.) 的名单可见于 Kiraz, 45–7。

For the Ch. of E., a metropolitan bp. ‘of Damascus, Jerusalem, and the coastal area’ is attested from the late 9th cent. onwards. Only a handful of names are known for the subsequent period and the institution disappeared in the modern period.

就东方教会 (Ch. of E.) 而言,自 9 世纪晚期 (late 9th cent.) 起,有据可查一位“大马士革 (Damascus)、耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 及沿海地区”的都主教 (metropolitan bp.)。随后时期仅知少数人名,且该建制于现代消失。

Several buildings are associated with the Syr. Orth. presence in Jerusalem: first, the Church of Mary Magdalene and Simon the Pharisee, i.e., where the episode recounted in Lk. 7:36–50 was situated (near Herod’s Gate; perhaps going back to the early 9th cent., later expanded with a monastery, and at the end of the 12th cent. converted into the Madrasat al-Qādisiyya); second, the Church of Thomas, near the Armenian Monastery (attested from the 14th cent. onwards; it later became divided between the al-Yaʿqubī Mosque and the Anglican Cathedral); third, Dayr al-ʿAdas in Zion (which following the assassination of Bp. Gregorios Joseph IV in 1537 was turned into a mosque and later, in 1907, was converted into the Greek Orthodox Monastery of Nicodemus); and finally, the Church of the Mother of God, traditionally regarded as the house of the evangelist Mark, known as the Monastery of St. Mark (which may have come into Syr. Orth. possession around 1500) and still in Syr. Orth. possession today. In addition, the Syr. Orth. had a presence in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher (attested since the 12th cent.). Nowadays they use the Chapel of Nicodemus, although the rights are somewhat disputed. Syr. Orth. pilgrims left a number of Syr. inscriptions at the entrance of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher (see Brock, Goldfus, and Kofsky).

与耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 的叙利亚东方正统教会 (Syr. Orth.) 存在相关的建筑有几处:首先,是抹大拉的玛丽亚和法利赛人西蒙教堂 (Church of Mary Magdalene and Simon the Pharisee),即《路加福音》(Lk.) 7:36–50 所述事件的发生地(靠近希律门 (Herod’s Gate);可能追溯至 9 世纪 (9th cent.) 早期,后来扩建了一座修道院,并在 12 世纪 (12th cent.) 末改为 卡迪西亚经学院 (Madrasat al-Qādisiyya));其次,是多马教堂 (Church of Thomas),靠近亚美尼亚修道院 (Armenian Monastery)(自 14 世纪 (14th cent.) 起有据可查;后来它被分割为雅库比清真寺 (al-Yaʿqubī Mosque) 和圣公会主教座堂 (Anglican Cathedral));第三,是锡安 (Zion) 的阿达斯修道院 (Dayr al-ʿAdas)(在 1537 年主教 (bp.) 格里高利约瑟夫四世 (Gregorios Joseph IV) 遇刺后改为清真寺,后来在 1907 年改为希腊正教尼哥底母修道院 (Greek Orthodox Monastery of Nicodemus));最后,是圣母教堂 (Church of the Mother of God),传统上被视为福音书作者马可 (evangelist Mark) 的故居,被称为圣马可修道院 (Monastery of St. Mark)(可能在 1500 年左右归叙利亚东方正统教会 (Syr. Orth.) 所有),至今仍归叙利亚东方正统教会 (Syr. Orth.) 所有。此外,叙利亚东方正统教会 (Syr. Orth.) 在圣墓教堂 (Church of the Holy Sepulcher) 也有存在(自 12 世纪 (12th cent.) 起有据可查)。如今他们使用尼哥底母小堂 (Chapel of Nicodemus),尽管权利存在一些争议。叙利亚东方正统教会 (Syr. Orth.) 朝圣者在圣墓教堂 (Church of the Holy Sepulcher) 入口处留下了一些叙利亚文 (Syr.) 铭文(see Brock, Goldfus, and Kofsky)。

As for the Ch. of E., in the 16th and 17th cent. there existed a church ‘of the Nestorians’ dedicated to St. Mary, situated to the north of the Holy Sepulcher. When the E.-Syr. presence in Jerusalem came to an end, in the 18th or possibly in the early 19th cent., the ms. collection belonging to this church passed into the hands of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate (see Chabot, Rücker, and Brock).

至于东方教会 (Ch. of E.),在 16 和 17 世纪 (cent.),存在着一座献给圣玛丽 (St. Mary) 的“聂斯托利派”(Nestorians) 教堂,位于圣墓教堂 (Holy Sepulcher) 以北。当东方叙利亚 (E.-Syr.) 在耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 的存在结束时,即在 18 世纪 (cent.) 或可能是 19 世纪 (cent.) 初,属于该教堂的手稿 (ms.) 收藏转入了希腊正教牧首区 (Greek Orthodox Patriarchate) 手中 (see Chabot, Rücker, and Brock)。

Outside of Jerusalem, there is evidence of Syr. Orth. presence in the medieval period in Tiberias, and from the 14th cent. onwards in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem. The presence of monks from the Ch. of E. is attested in a hermitage near Jericho (Fiey 1983, and Brock and Taylor, Hidden Pearl, vol. 2, 46) and possibly in a monastic complex at Tel Masos, in the northern Negev (Fritz and Maiberger).

在耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 之外,有证据表明中世纪时期叙利亚正教 (Syr. Orth.) 存在于太巴列 (Tiberias),且自 14 世纪 (14th cent.) 起存在于伯利恒 (Bethlehem) 的圣诞教堂 (Church of the Nativity)。来自东方教会 (Ch. of E.) 的修士的存在在耶利哥 (Jericho) 附近的一处隐修院得到证实 (Fiey 1983, and Brock and Taylor, Hidden Pearl, vol. 2, 46),并且可能在内盖夫 (Negev) 北部特尔马索斯 (Tel Masos) 的一处修道院建筑群中得到证实 (Fritz and Maiberger)。

Following the Sayfo a number of Syr. Orth. families settled in Jerusalem and Bethlehem, many of whom emigrated out of the area after the 1948 and 1976 Arab-Israeli wars. Bp. Athanasios Yeshuʿ Samuel played an important role in the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls. His autobiographical book on this subject contains much information on the Jerusalem community, in particular in the second quarter of the 20th cent. The present-day Syr. Orth bp. of Jerusalem has the title of ‘Patriarchal vicar of the Holy Land and Jordan’. Similarly, the Syr. Cath. and Chaldean Churches are represented in Jerusalem by patriarchal vicars, while the Maronite Church has a patriarchal exarch.

赛福 (Sayfo) 之后,若干叙利亚正教 (Syr. Orth.) 家族定居于耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 和伯利恒 (Bethlehem),其中许多人在 1948 年和 1976 年阿以战争 (Arab-Israeli wars) 后迁出该地区。主教 (bp.) 阿塔纳修斯·耶书·撒母耳 (Athanasios Yeshuʿ Samuel) 在《死海古卷》(Dead Sea Scrolls) 的发现中发挥了重要作用。他关于这一主题的自传体书籍包含了许多关于耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 社群的信息,特别是关于 20 世纪 (20th cent.) 第二个二十五年的信息。当今的耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 叙利亚正教 (Syr. Orth.) 主教 (bp.) 拥有“圣地 (Holy Land) 和约旦 (Jordan) 牧首代表 (Patriarchal vicar)“的头衔。同样,叙利亚天主教 (Syr. Cath.) 和加色丁教会 (Chaldean Churches) 在耶路撒冷 (Jerusalem) 也由牧首代表 (patriarchal vicars) 代表,而马龙派教会 (Maronite Church) 则设有一位牧首督主教 (patriarchal exarch)。

See Fig. 59, 60, and 69.

参见图 59、60 和 69。

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Cite this entry

Citation

George A. Kiraz. 2011. “Jerusalem.” In Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage. Beth Mardutho. https://gedsh.bethmardutho.org/Jerusalem.

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