Fars

Fars

by Joel T. Walker

Fars

Body

Region in southwestern Iran, often identified as the heartland of the Iranian people.

伊朗 (Iran) 西南部的地区,常被视为伊朗人 (Iranian people) 的核心地带。

A region in southwestern Iran, often identified as the heartland of the Iranian people. Known as Anshan in Elamite texts, the region received the name Fars in the mid 7th cent. BC, following the migration of Persian-speaking tribes from the northern Zagros Mountains (de Planhol, 328). Under the Sasanian Empire (224–642), the region reclaimed its role — established under the Achaemenids — as the epicenter for Persian royal ritual and building. Early Sasanian rulers honored the ‘holy places’ of their ancestors with new cliff reliefs and multilingual inscriptions and established ambitious urban foundations, such as Bishapur and Firuzabad, in the broad highland basins of the region’s interior (Wiesehöfer, 336).

伊朗 (Iran) 西南部的一个地区,常被视为伊朗人 (Iranian) 的核心地带。该地区在埃兰 (Elamite) 文献中被称为安善 (Anshan),公元前 7 世纪中叶,随着讲波斯语 (Persian) 的部落从扎格罗斯山脉 (Zagros Mountains) 北部迁移而来,该地区获得了法尔斯 (Fars) 之名 (de Planhol, 328)。在萨珊帝国 (Sasanian Empire)(224–642)统治下,该地区恢复了其在阿契美尼德王朝 (Achaemenids) 时期确立的角色,即波斯 (Persian) 皇家仪式和建筑的中心。早期的萨珊 (Sasanian) 统治者通过新的悬崖浮雕和多语种铭文来尊崇其祖先的“圣地”,并在该地区内部广阔的高原盆地中建立了雄心勃勃的城市基础,如比沙普尔 (Bishapur) 和菲鲁扎巴德 (Firuzabad) (Wiesehöfer, 336)。

Christianity arrived in Fars via at least two major channels between the 3rd and 4th cent. Deportees from Roman Syria, forcibly resettled in the region by Shapur I (r. 240–72) and his grandson Shapur II (r. 309–79), included Christians who maintained their faith even after some of them intermarried with the local ‘Persian’ population. E.-Syr. martyr literature, chronicles, and archaeology preserve scattered echoes of these deportees’ background in Roman Syria (Jullien and Jullien, 153–87). Commercial contacts with northern Mesopotamia provided the other major conduit for the introduction of Christian doctrines into Fars. The Acts of Mar Mari (a 7th-cent. apostolic narrative) claim, for instance, that merchants from Fars and Khuzistan traveled to the ‘West’, where they were converted by ‘the blessed apostle Addai’, presumably at Edessa , before returning home. The region’s earliest churches were thus diverse in both their origins and ethnicity. According to a plausible report in the 11th-cent. Chronicle of Siirt (ed. Scher, I.I [PO 4], 222, ch. 2), the liturgy in 3rd-cent. Fars was conducted in both Greek and Syriac.

基督教在 3 至 4 世纪之间至少通过两条主要渠道传入法尔斯 (Fars)。来自罗马叙利亚 (Roman Syria) 的被迁徙者被沙普尔一世 (Shapur I) (r. 240–72) 及其孙子沙普尔二世 (Shapur II) (r. 309–79) 强制迁徙至该地区,其中包括基督徒,即使他们中的一些人与当地“波斯”(Persian) 人口通婚,仍坚守信仰。东叙利亚 (E.-Syr.) 殉道文献、编年史和考古学保留了这些流放者在罗马叙利亚 (Roman Syria) 背景的零星回声 (Jullien and Jullien, 153–87)。与美索不达米亚北部 (northern Mesopotamia) 的商业联系为基督教教义传入法尔斯 (Fars) 提供了另一条主要渠道。例如,《马里行传》(Acts of Mar Mari)(一部 7 世纪的使徒叙事)声称,来自法尔斯 (Fars) 和胡齐斯坦 (Khuzistan) 的商人前往“西方”(the ‘West’),在那里他们被“有福的使徒阿代”(‘the blessed apostle Addai’) 皈依,推测是在埃德萨 (Edessa),之后才返回家乡。因此,该地区最早的教会无论在起源还是种族上都是多样化的。根据 11 世纪《锡尔特编年史》(Chronicle of Siirt) (ed. Scher, I.I [PO 4], 222, ch. 2) 中一份看似可靠的报告,3 世纪法尔斯 (Fars) 的礼仪同时使用希腊语和叙利亚语进行。

During the 5th–6th cent., the Christian community of Fars emerged as one of the most important eparchies of the Ch. of E. The region’s metropolitan bp., based in the coastal city of Rev Ardashir, signed as the sixth highest ranking bp. at the synod of Seleucia-Ctesiphon in 424 (Fiey, 178–9). Other regional cities, such as Darabgard, Ardashir Khurrah (possibly to be identified with medieval Siraf), and even Istakhr (where the Sasanian dynasty was founded), had also attained episcopal status by this time (idem, 202–3). The bishops’ names, more often Persian than Syriac, hint at the growing influence of ethnic Persians, whose conversion sparked a wave of translations, beginning in the 6th cent., from Syriac into Middle Persian. The demand for these translations was heightened by the links between Fars and the Persian-speaking population of adjoining regions, especially the dioceses scattered around the periphery of the Persian Gulf. According to a well-known passage in the Chronicle of Siirt (ed. Scher, II.I [PO 7], 117, ch. 9), Maʿna, metropolitan bp. of Fars in the mid-6th cent., produced Persian ‘hymns, homilies, and responses to be sung in church’, and distributed them to ‘the maritime lands ( Beth Qaṭraye ) and India’. It appears that the metropolitans of Fars even appointed clergy for the most far-flung merchant communities of the Indian Ocean. The 6th-cent. pepper merchant of Alexandria, Cosmas Indicopleustes, was amazed to find clergy appointed ‘from Persia’ (dia Persidos) on the island of Socotra near modern Somalia and at Kalliana on the south-western coast of India (‘Christian Topography’ 3.65; Weerakkody, 237 and 244).

在 5 至 6 世纪期间,法尔斯 (Fars) 的基督教社区成为东方教会 (Ch. of E.) 最重要的教区之一。该地区的都主教 (bp.) 驻守在沿海城市雷夫阿尔达希尔 (Rev Ardashir),他在 424 年的塞琉西亚 - 泰西封会议 (synod of Seleucia-Ctesiphon) 上作为第六位排名最高的主教 (bp.) 签署 (Fiey, 178–9)。其他区域城市,如达拉布加德 (Darabgard)、阿尔达希尔胡拉 (Ardashir Khurrah)(可能与中世纪西拉夫 (medieval Siraf) 为同一地),甚至伊斯塔赫尔 (Istakhr)(萨珊王朝 (Sasanian dynasty) 在此建立),此时也已获得主教区地位 (idem, 202–3)。主教们的名字多为波斯语而非叙利亚语,这暗示了波斯族人 (ethnic Persians) 影响力的增长,他们的皈依引发了一场翻译浪潮,始于 6 世纪,从叙利亚语译为中古波斯语。对这些翻译的需求因法尔斯 (Fars) 与邻近地区波斯语人口之间的联系而增加,尤其是散布在波斯湾 (Persian Gulf) 周边的教区。根据《西尔特编年史》(Chronicle of Siirt) 中一段著名的记载 (ed. Scher, II.I [PO 7], 117, ch. 9),6 世纪中叶的法尔斯 (Fars) 都主教 (bp.) 马纳 (Maʿna) 创作了波斯语“赞美诗、讲道词和要在教堂唱诵的应答圣歌”,并将它们分发给“沿海地区(贝特卡特拉耶 (Beth Qaṭraye))和印度 (India)“。看来法尔斯 (Fars) 的都主教甚至为印度洋 (Indian Ocean) 最偏远的商人社区任命神职人员。6 世纪的亚历山大 (Alexandria) 胡椒商人科斯马斯·因迪科普勒斯特斯 (Cosmas Indicopleustes) 惊讶地发现,在现代索马里 (Somalia) 附近的索科特拉 (Socotra) 岛和印度 (India) 西南海岸的卡利亚纳 (Kalliana),有神职人员被“从波斯 (Persia)” (dia Persidos) 任命(‘Christian Topography’ 3.65; Weerakkody, 237 and 244)。

In the late Sasanian and early Islamic period, the metropolitan bishops of Fars entered into a prolonged and bitter conflict with the E.-Syr. patriarchs. The patriarchal correspondence of Ishoʿyahb III documents the growth of this rivalry that culminated in the synod in 676, which raised the provinces of Beth Qaṭraye and India to metropolitan status, thus removing them from the authority of bishops of Fars. Despite this truncation of its jurisdiction, Fars remained the base for a vigorous Persian Christian culture deep into the Islamic period. Christian law books produced in Fars in the 8th and 9th cent. reveal not only the depth of Christians’ adoption of Sasanian-derived marriage patterns, but also the determined efforts of the clergy to purge their flock of these ‘Magian’ habits (Payne, 191–241). Synodical lists continue to name bishops for the region into the 12th cent. — and indeed as late as 1318 at the port city of Siraf.

在萨珊 (Sasanian) 王朝晚期和伊斯兰 (Islamic) 时代早期,法尔斯 (Fars) 的都主教 (metropolitan bishops) 与东方叙利亚 (E.-Syr.) 宗主教 (patriarchs) 陷入了长期而激烈的冲突。伊肖亚布三世 (Ishoʿyahb III) 的宗主教通信文件记录了这种竞争的增长,最终在 676 年的公会议 (synod) 上达到顶峰,该会议将贝特·卡特拉耶 (Beth Qaṭraye) 和印度 (India) 教省提升至都主教区地位,从而将它们从法尔斯 (Fars) 主教的权威下移除。尽管其管辖权受到如此削减,法尔斯 (Fars) 仍然是充满活力的波斯基督教文化的基地,一直延续到伊斯兰 (Islamic) 时期深处。8 世纪 (8th cent.) 和 9 世纪 (9th cent.) 在法尔斯 (Fars) 产生的基督教律法书不仅揭示了基督徒对源自萨珊 (Sasanian) 的婚姻模式的采纳深度,还揭示了神职人员清除其信徒中这些“祆教”(Magian) 习惯的决心努力 (Payne, 191–241)。公会议名录继续列出该地区的主教名字直至 12 世纪 (12th cent.) —— 事实上直到 1318 年在港口城市西拉夫 (Siraf) 仍有记录。

In contrast to the range and depth of these textual references, the archaeology of Fars has not yet yielded any clear physical evidence for the region’s Christian communities. This lacuna probably reflects the biases of modern research conditions more than a lack of archaeological potential, since parallel fieldwork in the Persian Gulf has identified the remains of churches at at least eight sites, including a large 9th-cent. monastery (123 x 88 m) on the island of Kharg, only 50 km northwest of ancient Rev Ardashir (Carter, 97–8; Steve, 85–154).

与这些文本参照的广度和深度相比,法尔斯 (Fars) 的考古工作尚未为该地区的基督教社群提供任何明确的实物证据。这一空白可能更多地反映了现代研究条件的偏差,而非考古潜力的缺乏,因为波斯湾 (Persian Gulf) 的平行田野工作已在至少八处遗址确认了教堂遗迹,其中包括位于哈尔克 (Kharg) 岛的一座大型 9 世纪 (9th-cent.) 修道院(123 x 88 米),该岛距古代雷夫·阿尔达希尔 (Rev Ardashir) 西北仅 50 公里 (Carter, 97–8; Steve, 85–154)。

References

Secondary Sources

R. A. Carter, ‘Christianity in the Gulf during the first centuries of Islam’, Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy19 (2008), 71–108.

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Secondary Sources

J. Fiey, ‘Diocèses syriens orientaux du Golfe persique’, in Mémorial Mgr Gabriel Khouri-Sarkis (1969), 177–219.

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Secondary Sources

F. Jullien and C. Jullien, Apôtres des confins: Processus missionnaires chrétiens dans l’empire iranien (2002).

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Secondary Sources

R. Payne, Christianity and Iranian society in Late Antiquity, ca. 500–700 CE (Ph.D. Diss., Princeton Univ.; 2010).

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Secondary Sources

X. de Planhol, ‘Fars: Geography’, in EIr , vol. 9 (1999), 328–333.

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Secondary Sources

M.-J. Steve. L’île de Kharg: Une page de l’histoire du Golfe Persique et du monachisme oriental (2003).

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Secondary Sources

D. Weerakkody, Taprobanê: Ancient Sri Lanka as known to Greeks and Romans (1997).

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Secondary Sources

J. Wiesehöfer, ‘Fars: History in the pre-Islamic Period’, in EIr , vol.9 (1999), 333–7.

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Cite this entry

Citation

Joel T. Walker. 2011. “Fars.” In Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage. Beth Mardutho. https://gedsh.bethmardutho.org/Fars.

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