Abgarids of Edessa
Abgarids of Edessa
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Abgarids of Edessa
埃德萨 (Edessa) 的阿布加尔王朝 (Abgarids)
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Dynasty of kings who ruled in Edessa from ca. 133 BC until the middle of the 3rd cent.
统治埃德萨 (Edessa) 的国王王朝,从约 (ca.) 公元前 (BC) 133 年至 3 世纪 (cent.) 中叶。
Dynasty of kings who ruled in Edessa from ca. 133 BC until the middle of the 3rd cent. The most common names in this line of kings are Abgar and Maʿnu, both of which are of a North Arabian type. The disintegration of the Seleucid Empire in the 2nd cent. BC allowed the Abgarids to establish their power. With the appearance of the Romans in the Near East in the 1st cent. BC, the Abgarids were able to maintain Edessa and the surrounding area of Osrhoene as a more or less independent buffer state between the Roman and the Parthian empires. Our main source for the list of ca. 30 Edessene kings is the late 8th-cent. Chronicle of Zuqnin. Additional information is occasionally provided by other sources, Syriac and non-Syriac, as well as by coins. Of particular interest is the E.-Syr. Chronicle of Eliya of Nisibis (d. 1046).
统治埃德萨 (Edessa) 的国王王朝,时间从约公元前 133 年直至 3 世纪中叶。这一王系中最常见的名字是阿布加尔 (Abgar) 和马努 (Maʿnu),两者均属于北阿拉伯 (North Arabian) 类型。公元前 2 世纪塞琉古帝国 (Seleucid Empire) 的解体使得阿布加尔王朝 (Abgarids) 得以建立其权力。随着公元前 1 世纪罗马人 (Romans) 出现在近东 (Near East),阿布加尔王朝 (Abgarids) 得以将埃德萨 (Edessa) 及周边奥斯罗恩 (Osrhoene) 地区维持为一个介于罗马 (Roman) 与帕提亚帝国 (Parthian empires) 之间或多或少独立的缓冲国。我们关于约 30 位埃德萨 (Edessene) 国王名单的主要来源是 8 世纪末的《祖克宁编年史》(Chronicle of Zuqnin)。其他来源,包括叙利亚语 (Syriac) 和非叙利亚语来源,以及钱币,偶尔也提供补充信息。特别值得关注的是东方叙利亚语 (E.-Syr.) 的《尼西比斯的埃利亚编年史》(Chronicle of Eliya of Nisibis)(尼西比斯的埃利亚 (Eliya of Nisibis) 卒于 1046 年)。
Our knowledge of the earliest history is very limited. It becomes more substantial from the moment when Rome began to extend its reach into Mesopotamia, i.e., from Abgar VII (109–116) on through the end of the dynasty. In the 2nd and early 3rd cent. the relationship between Rome and Edessa intensified; it reached its climax under Abgar VIII, the Great (177–212). Rome finally imposed its power on Edessa when in 212/13 the short-lived reign of Abgar VIII’s successor was ended and the city declared a Roman colonia . The dynasty was briefly restored in 239, but by 242 Rome had once again taken full control. Whether this was the definitive end or whether the dynasty in one form or another continued to exist for some years, as Yaʿqub of Edessa seems to suggest in his Chronicle, is unclear.
我们对最早期历史的了解非常有限。从罗马 (Rome) 开始将其势力延伸至美索不达米亚 (Mesopotamia) 的那一刻起,这方面的资料变得更加充实,即从阿布加尔七世 (Abgar VII)(109–116 年)开始,一直到该王朝结束。在 2 世纪和 3 世纪早期 (2nd and early 3rd cent.),罗马 (Rome) 与埃德萨 (Edessa) 之间的关系日益紧密;在阿布加尔八世,大帝 (Abgar VIII, the Great)(177–212 年)统治时期达到顶峰。当 212/13 年阿布加尔八世 (Abgar VIII) 的继承人的短暂统治结束,且该城被宣布为罗马 (Rome) 殖民地 (colonia) 时,罗马 (Rome) 最终在埃德萨 (Edessa) 确立了其统治权。该王朝曾在 239 年短暂复辟,但到 242 年,罗马 (Rome) 再次完全控制了局面。这究竟是最终的终结,还是该王朝以某种形式又延续了一些年头,正如埃德萨的雅各布 (Yaʿqub of Edessa) 在其《编年史》(Chronicle) 中似乎暗示的那样,目前尚不清楚。
It is under the Abgarid kings that the distinctive Aramaic language form that later became known as ‘Syriac’ first started being used in inscriptions. The script of the inscriptions is closely related to the Esṭrangela of the earliest, 5th-cent. Syriac mss. (even though some of the mosaic inscriptions exhibit a slightly more cursive type). Mosaics, numismatic evidence, and a number of inscriptions, mostly funerary, provide glimpses into Edessa’s social and cultural life. In addition to its Aramaic background, these also reveal the impact of Roman as well as of Parthian culture. Several of the preserved mosaics can be dated to the reign of Abgar VIII or to the period when Edessa was under Roman rule.
正是在阿布加尔王朝诸王 (Abgarid kings) 统治时期,那种后来被称为“叙利亚语”(Syriac) 的独特阿拉姆语 (Aramaic) 形式才开始用于铭文。铭文的书写体与最早的 5 世纪 (5th-cent.) 叙利亚语 (Syriac) 手稿 (mss.) 中的埃斯特兰格拉体 (Esṭrangela) 密切相关(尽管某些马赛克铭文显示出略微更草书的类型)。马赛克、钱币学证据以及许多铭文(主要为墓志)提供了窥见埃德萨 (Edessa) 社会和文化生活的片段。除了其阿拉姆语 (Aramaic) 背景外,这些还揭示了罗马 (Roman) 以及帕提亚 (Parthian) 文化的影响。几幅保存下来的马赛克可以断代为阿布加尔八世 (Abgar VIII) 统治时期,或埃德萨 (Edessa) 处于罗马 (Roman) 统治下的时期。
The two kings most closely associated with Syriac Christianity are Abgar V Ukkama (‘the Black’, 4 BC–AD 7 and 13–50) and Abgar VIII. The former was alleged to have corresponded with Jesus and, at the arrival of the apostle Addai, to have converted to Christianity, along with most of the city. This legend is first mentioned in Eusebius of Caesarea ’s Ecclesiastical History (early 4th cent.) and is further developed in the early 5th-cent. Teaching of Addai. Some scholars have suggested that the historical kernel relates to Abgar VIII and was retrojected into the reign of Abgar V. However, the few indications that Abgar VIII might have been a Christian each pose their problems. First, the addition in the Book of the Laws of Countries, by Bardaiṣan ’s pupil Philippus (ca. 200), that Abgar VIII outlawed the practice of self-castration ‘when he came to faith’ (kad haymen) may very well be a later interpolation, as it is lacking from the quotation of the relevant passage in Eusebius of Caesarea’s ‘Preparation for the Gospel’ (VI,10,44). Second, even though Sextus Julius Africanus describes Abgar VIII as a ‘holy man’ (as quoted from the ‘Kestoi’ in George Synkellos’s ‘Chronography’), this does not necessarily point to the Christian religion. As a matter of fact, the various renderings of this term include not only hieros ‘holy’ (Synkellos), sanctus ‘holy’ (Jerome’s Latin translation of Eusebius’s Chronicle), and kāhnāyā ‘priestly’ ( Yaʿqub of Edessa ), but also terms that do not take on a religious connotation, such as šappirā ‘excellent’ (Chronicle to the year 724) and azniw ‘noble’ (Armenian version of Eusebius’s Chronicle). Also noteworthy is the fact that the coins and the mosaic portrait of Abgar VIII (published by Drijvers) do not reveal any Christian symbols or ideology. It is very unlikely, therefore, that Abgar VIII — or any other king of the Abgar dynasty — ever converted to Christianity. Christianity, however, did exist in Edessa under Abgar VIII. According to Sextus Julius Africanus, the Christian author Bardaiṣan was an intimate of the royal court. In addition, a brief comment (seen by some as a later addition) in the account of the flood of Edessa in the year 201, as preserved in the 6th-cent. Chronicle of Edessa, reports that the ‘sanctuary of the church of the Christians’ (hayklā d-ʿedtā da-kresṭyāne) had suffered damage.
与叙利亚基督教 (Syriac Christianity) 关系最密切的两位国王是阿布加尔五世乌卡马 (Abgar V Ukkama)(‘黑色’,公元前 4 年–公元 7 年及 13–50 年)和阿布加尔八世 (Abgar VIII)。据称前者曾与耶稣 (Jesus) 通信,并在使徒阿代 (Addai) 到来时,与城中大多数人一同皈依了基督教。这一传说最早见于凯撒利亚的优西比乌 (Eusebius of Caesarea) 的《教会史》(Ecclesiastical History)(4 世纪初),并在 5 世纪初的《阿代教导》(Teaching of Addai) 中得到进一步发展。一些学者提出,历史核心事实可能与阿布加尔八世 (Abgar VIII) 有关,后被回溯投射到阿布加尔五世 (Abgar V) 的统治时期。然而,表明阿布加尔八世 (Abgar VIII) 可能是基督徒的少数迹象各自都存在问题。首先,巴尔代桑 (Bardaiṣan) 的学生菲利普斯 (Philippus)(约 200 年)在《列国律法书》(Book of the Laws of Countries) 中的补充内容称,阿布加尔八世 (Abgar VIII)‘当他在信仰中时’(kad haymen)禁止了自阉习俗,这很可能是一种后人的插补,因为凯撒利亚的优西比乌 (Eusebius of Caesarea) 的《福音预备》(Preparation for the Gospel)(VI,10,44)中引用的相关段落缺乏此内容。其次,尽管塞克斯都·朱利叶斯·阿非利加努斯 (Sextus Julius Africanus) 将阿布加尔八世 (Abgar VIII) 描述为‘圣人’(引自乔治·辛克洛斯 (George Synkellos) 的《编年史》(Chronography) 中的《凯斯托伊》(Kestoi)),但这并不一定指向基督教信仰。事实上,对该词的各种译法不仅包括‘神圣’(hieros)(辛克洛斯 (Synkellos))、‘神圣’(sanctus)(哲罗姆 (Jerome) 译优西比乌 (Eusebius) 的《编年史》(Chronicle) 拉丁文版)和‘祭司性的’(kāhnāyā)(埃德萨的雅各布 (Yaʿqub of Edessa)),还包括不带宗教含义的术语,如‘优秀’(šappirā)(《724 年编年史》(Chronicle to the year 724))和‘高贵’(azniw)(优西比乌 (Eusebius) 的《编年史》(Chronicle) 亚美尼亚版本)。同样值得注意的是,阿布加尔八世 (Abgar VIII) 的硬币和马赛克肖像(由德里弗斯 (Drijvers) 出版)并未显示任何基督教符号或意识形态。因此,阿布加尔八世 (Abgar VIII)——或阿布加尔王朝 (Abgar dynasty) 的任何其他国王——曾皈依基督教的可能性极小。然而,在阿布加尔八世 (Abgar VIII) 统治时期,埃德萨 (Edessa) 确实存在基督教。据塞克斯都·朱利叶斯·阿非利加努斯 (Sextus Julius Africanus) 记载,基督徒作家巴尔代桑 (Bardaiṣan) 是宫廷密友。此外,保存在 6 世纪《埃德萨编年史》(Chronicle of Edessa) 中关于公元 201 年埃德萨 (Edessa) 洪水的记载里,有一条简短评论(被一些人视为后人添加)报道说,‘基督徒教堂的圣所’(hayklā d-ʿedtā da-kresṭyāne)遭到了破坏。
If none of the Edessene kings ever was Christian, it is all the more interesting that the Abgarid dynasty, decades after its disappearance, had a Christian afterlife and became an important element in the self-definition of Syriac Christians.
倘若埃德萨 (Edessa) 诸王中从未有过基督徒,那么更为有趣的是,阿布加尔王朝 (Abgarid dynasty) 在其消失数十年后,拥有了基督教的后世生命,并成为叙利亚基督徒 (Syriac Christians) 自我定义中的重要元素。
See Fig. 1.
见图 1。
References
W. Adler, ‘Sextus Julius Africanus and the Roman Near East in the 3rd century’, JTS ns 55 (2004), esp. 530–9.
S. P. Brock, ‘Some new Syriac documents from the third century AD’, ARAM 3 (1991), 259–67.
, ‘Eusebius and Syriac Christianity’, in Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism, ed. H. W. Attridge and G. Hata (1992), 212–234.
H. J. W. Drijvers, ‘A tomb for the life of a king. A recently discovered Edessene mosaic with a portrait of king Abgar the Great’, LM 95 (1982), 167–89.
Drijvers and Healey, The Old Syriac Inscriptions.
A. Camplani and T. Gnoli, ‘Edessa e Roma. A proposito di un libro recente’, Mediterraneo Antico 4 (2001), 41–68.
A. Luther, ‘Elias von Nisibis und die Chronologie der edessenischen Könige’, Klio 81 (1999), 180–198.
, ‘Die ersten Könige von Osrhoene’, Klio 81 (1999), 437–454.
Millar, Roman Near East, esp. 457–67, 472–81.
S. K. Ross, Roman Edessa. Politics and culture on the Eastern fringe of the Roman Empire, 114–224 CE (2001).
J. B. Segal, Edessa ‘The Blessed City’ (1970; repr. 2005).
L. Van Rompay, ‘Jacob of Edessa and the early history of Edessa’, in After Bardaisan, ed. Reinink and Klugkist, 269–85.
Citation
Timothy Scott Wardle. 2011. “Abgarids of Edessa.” In Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage. Beth Mardutho. https://gedsh.bethmardutho.org/Abgarids-of-Edessa.