Armenian Christianity, Syriac contacts with

亚美尼亚基督教 (Armenian Christianity)，与叙利亚 (Syriac) 的接触

by Lucas Van Rompay

亚美尼亚基督教 (Armenian Christianity)，与叙利亚 (Syriac) 的接触

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Armenia, the geographical area of Armenian Christianity and culture, borders the homeland of Syr. Christianity, and extensive contacts between the two communities existed.

亚美尼亚 (Armenia) 是亚美尼亚基督教与文化的地理区域，与叙利亚基督教 (Syr. Christianity) 的发源地接壤，且这两个社群之间曾存在广泛的联系。

Armenia, the geographical area of Armenian Christianity and culture, borders the homeland of Syr. Christianity. For centuries, Arameans and Armenians lived together in parts of northern Mesopotamia and northern Syria. The main cities of Syr. Christianity, Edessa (Armenian Uṙhay) and Nisibis (Armenian Mcbin) had a mixed population, which included Syrians and Armenians. Within the Sasanian Empire, the lines of demarcation between the Ch. of E. and the Armenian Church were very porous. The E.-Syr. ecclesiastical province of Beth ʿArbaye , which since the synod of Isḥaq (410) had Nisibis as its metropolitan see, included the dioceses of Arzun, Qardu, Beth Zabdai, Beth Rahimai, and Beth Moksaye, which all had large Armenian populations and which occasionally show up as dioceses of the Armenian Church. In these and in other borderlands, there must have been a significant amount of bilingualism, reflecting a ‘veritable interpenetration’ between the two groups (Garsoïan 1992, 63).

亚美尼亚 (Armenia) 是亚美尼亚基督教和文化的地理区域，与叙利亚基督教 (Syr. Christianity) 的发源地接壤。几个世纪以来，阿拉米人 (Arameans) 和亚美尼亚人 (Armenians) 共同生活在美索不达米亚北部 (northern Mesopotamia) 和叙利亚北部 (northern Syria) 的部分地区。叙利亚基督教 (Syr. Christianity) 的主要城市，埃德萨 (Edessa)（亚美尼亚语 Uṙhay）和尼西比斯 (Nisibis)（亚美尼亚语 Mcbin），拥有混合人口，其中包括叙利亚人 (Syrians) 和亚美尼亚人 (Armenians)。在萨珊帝国 (Sasanian Empire) 境内，东方教会 (Ch. of E.) 与亚美尼亚教会 (Armenian Church) 之间的界限非常模糊。东叙利亚 (E.-Syr.) 教会省份贝特·阿拉拜 (Beth ʿArbaye)，自伊沙克 (Isḥaq) 会议 (410) 以来以尼西比斯 (Nisibis) 为其总主教区 (metropolitan see)，包括阿爾尊 (Arzun)、卡尔多 (Qardu)、贝特·扎卜代 (Beth Zabdai)、贝特·拉希迈 (Beth Rahimai) 和贝特·莫克萨耶 (Beth Moksaye) 等教区 (dioceses)，这些地区都有大量的亚美尼亚人 (Armenians) 人口，且偶尔也作为亚美尼亚教会 (Armenian Church) 的教区 (dioceses) 出现。在这些以及其他边境地区，必然存在大量的双语现象，反映了两个群体之间“真正的相互渗透 (veritable interpenetration)“(Garsoïan 1992, 63)。

In the 1st cent. BC, the western part of Armenia was incorporated into the Roman Empire, while the larger part (‘Great Armenia’) remained within the Iranian sphere of influence, at times enjoying independence, at times ruled by Parthian and later Sasanian monarchs. Around 387 the Roman and Sasanian Empires agreed on a formal partition of Armenia (even though the frontier subsequently shifted). Despite the fact that in its formative period Armenian Christianity, not unlike Syr. Christianity, was divided over two empires, this did not lead — as in the case of the Syrians — to doctrinal division. This is often attributed to a stronger sense of ethnic and cultural identity among the Armenians than among the Syrians. In the Islamic period Armenians occasionally had their own kingdom, such as under the Bagratid dynasty, from the end of the 9th to the middle of the 11th cent. From the late 12th cent. to 1375, an independent Armenian kingdom existed in Cilicia (‘Little Armenia’), where many Armenians had settled. Cilician Armenia accepted union with Rome at the Council of Sis in 1307, but this union, which failed to receive support outside Cilicia, came to an end with the demise of the Cilician kingdom. In the Ottoman Empire, Armenians at first flourished. The patriarchate of Constantinople (Istanbul) was created to represent Armenian interests (and often other Christians’ interests as well) at the capital. Armenians also lived in parts of Persia and Russia, and there were diaspora communities as far as Lemberg (Galicia, present-day Lwow in Poland). Significant emigration to Europe and North America started in the middle of the 19th cent. The early 20th cent. saw the Armenian genocide, which largely coincided with the Sayfo, and which was followed by further dispersion. The short-lived independent Armenian Republic (1918– 1920) became part of the Soviet Union in 1920, to regain its independence only in September 1991.

在公元前 1 世纪 (1st cent. BC)，亚美尼亚 (Armenia) 西部被并入罗马帝国 (Roman Empire)，而较大部分（“大亚美尼亚 (Great Armenia)“）仍留在伊朗势力范围内，有时享有独立，有时由帕提亚 (Parthian) 及后来的萨珊 (Sasanian) 君主统治。约 387 年，罗马 (Roman) 与萨珊 (Sasanian) 帝国 (Empires) 同意正式瓜分亚美尼亚 (Armenia)（尽管边界随后有所变动）。尽管在其形成时期，亚美尼亚基督教 (Armenian Christianity) 与叙利亚 (Syr.) 基督教类似，被分割在两个帝国之间，但这并未像叙利亚人 (Syrians) 那样导致教义分裂。这通常归因于亚美尼亚人 (Armenians) 比叙利亚人 (Syrians) 拥有更强的民族和文化认同感。在伊斯兰时期 (Islamic period)，亚美尼亚人 (Armenians) 偶尔拥有自己的王国，例如在巴格拉提德王朝 (Bagratid dynasty) 统治下，从 9 世纪 (cent.) 末至 11 世纪 (cent.) 中叶。从 12 世纪 (cent.) 末至 1375 年，一个独立的亚美尼亚王国存在于奇里乞亚 (Cilicia)（“小亚美尼亚 (Little Armenia)”），许多亚美尼亚人 (Armenians) 在此定居。奇里乞亚亚美尼亚 (Cilician Armenia) 于 1307 年在西斯会议 (Council of Sis) 上接受与罗马 (Rome) 联合，但这一联合未能获得奇里乞亚 (Cilicia) 以外的支持，随着奇里乞亚王国 (Cilician kingdom) 的灭亡而终结。在奥斯曼帝国 (Ottoman Empire) 时期，亚美尼亚人 (Armenians) 起初繁荣兴盛。君士坦丁堡 (Constantinople)（伊斯坦布尔 (Istanbul)）牧首区 (patriarchate) 被设立以在首都代表亚美尼亚人 (Armenian) 的利益（通常也代表其他基督徒 (Christians) 的利益）。亚美尼亚人 (Armenians) 也生活在波斯 (Persia) 和俄罗斯 (Russia) 的部分地区，侨民社区甚至远至伦贝格 (Lemberg)（加利西亚 (Galicia)，今波兰 (Poland) 利沃夫 (Lwow)）。向欧洲 (Europe) 和北美 (North America) 的大规模移民始于 19 世纪 (cent.) 中叶。20 世纪 (cent.) 初发生了亚美尼亚种族灭绝 (Armenian genocide)，这在很大程度上与赛福 (Sayfo) 重合，随后是进一步的离散。短命的亚美尼亚独立共和国 (independent Armenian Republic)（1918– 1920）于 1920 年成为苏联 (Soviet Union) 的一部分，直到 1991 年 9 月才重新获得独立。

Christianity came to Armenia no later than the 3rd cent. and the Armenian Church was first organized by Gregory the Illuminator in the early 4th cent. An important factor in the development of Armenian Christianity was the invention of the Armenian script by Maštoc‘ (Mesrop), traditionally dated in or around 407, and preceded by Maštoc‘’s travels through Syria and Edessa. This was followed by a period of intense translation activity, from both Greek and Syriac. Prior to the invention of their own script, Armenians used Greek and Syriac as their literary and liturgical languages.

基督教（Christianity）传入亚美尼亚（Armenia）的时间不晚于 3 世纪（3rd cent.），亚美尼亚教会（Armenian Church）最初由启蒙者格列高利（Gregory the Illuminator）于 4 世纪（4th cent.）初组织。亚美尼亚基督教（Armenian Christianity）发展的一个重要因素是马什托茨（Mesrop）发明了亚美尼亚文字（Armenian script），传统上定为 407 年左右，此前马什托茨（Mesrop）曾游历叙利亚（Syria）和埃德萨（Edessa）。随后是一段密集的翻译活动时期，译自希腊语（Greek）和叙利亚语（Syriac）。在发明自己的文字之前，亚美尼亚人（Armenians）使用希腊语（Greek）和叙利亚语（Syriac）作为他们的文学和礼仪语言。

Among the translations of the earliest period (first half of the 5th cent.) are several Syriac texts, such as the Demonstrations of Aphrahaṭ , transmitted in Armenian under the name of Yaʿqub of Nisibis (ed. Lafontaine), several works by Ephrem (Armenian: Ephrem Asori ‘the Assyrian’ or ‘Syrian’), and a short treatise attributed to Bp. Aitalaha of Edessa, which is not preserved in Syriac. Ephrem’s Armenian works include the undoubtedly genuine ‘Hymns on Nicomedia’, which were written shortly after 358, and of which only a few Syriac fragments exist (ed. Renoux), and the Commentary on the Diatessaron (ed. Leloir). While for these two works (as well as for Aphrahaṭ) we are dealing with quite faithful translations of Syriac originals, the relationship to the Syriac original is more problematic for other works attributed to Ephrem, such as a collection of hymns (ed. Mariès and Mercier), which seem to contain Syriac materials, but may represent later rewritings, and an anti-Marcionite exposition of the Gospel (ed. Egan), which is probably not by Ephrem (see Bundy, against the view of the editor), even though a 4th-cent. Syriac original is very likely. In addition to the translations of originally Syriac works, some Greek patristic works were translated into Armenian not from Greek, but from an earlier Syriac translation. The two most well-known examples are Eusebius of Caesarea ’s Ecclesiastical History and Basil of Caesarea ’s Homilies on the Hexaemeron. In the earliest layers of Armenian biblical and liturgical texts as well, the mark of Armenia’s early contacts with the Syriac world is clearly visible. Among indigenous Armenian authors who are well informed about Syriac Christianity and write about it or borrow themes or interpretations from it are Eznik of Kołb (author of a work known as either ‘Against the sects’ or ‘On God’), Koriwn (author of ‘The Life of Maštoc‘’), the author of the ‘Teaching of Gregory’ (incorporated into the ‘History of Agathangelos’), and the author of the ‘Epic histories’ (formerly known as Faustus of Byzantium).

Drafting the Translation (Sentence by Sentence):
- “Among the translations of the earliest period (first half of the 5th cent.)” -> 在最早期（5 世纪上半叶）的译作中
- “are several Syriac texts” -> 有几部叙利亚语文本
- “such as the Demonstrations of Aphrahaṭ” -> 例如阿弗拉哈特的《示范》(Demonstrations of Aphrahaṭ)
- “transmitted in Armenian under the name of Yaʿqub of Nisibis (ed. Lafontaine)” -> 在亚美尼亚语中以尼西比斯的雅各布 (Yaʿqub of Nisibis) 之名流传（ed. Lafontaine）
- “several works by Ephrem (Armenian: Ephrem Asori ‘the Assyrian’ or ‘Syrian’)” -> Ephrem 的几部作品（亚美尼亚语：Ephrem Asori‘亚述人’或‘叙利亚人’） -> 以法莲 (Ephrem) 的几部作品（亚美尼亚语：Ephrem Asori‘亚述人’或‘叙利亚人’）
- “and a short treatise attributed to Bp. Aitalaha of Edessa” -> 以及一篇归于埃德萨主教阿伊塔拉哈 (Bp. Aitalaha of Edessa) 的短文
- “which is not preserved in Syriac” -> 该文未见叙利亚语存本。
- Refinement on Names: Aphrahaṭ -> 阿弗拉哈特 (Aphrahaṭ). Yaʿqub of Nisibis -> 尼西比斯的雅各布 (Yaʿqub of Nisibis). Ephrem -> 以法莲 (Ephrem). Aitalaha of Edessa -> 埃德萨的阿伊塔拉哈 (Aitalaha of Edessa). Bp. -> 主教 (bp.).
- Refinement on Titles: Demonstrations -> 《示范》(Demonstrations).
- Refinement on Citations: (ed. Lafontaine) -> Keep as is.
- Sentence 2: Ephrem’s Armenian works include the undoubtedly genuine ‘Hymns on Nicomedia’, which were written shortly after 358, and of which only a few Syriac fragments exist (ed. Renoux), and the Commentary on the Diatessaron (ed. Leloir).
  - “Ephrem’s Armenian works include” -> 以法莲 (Ephrem) 的亚美尼亚语作品包括
  - “the undoubtedly genuine ‘Hymns on Nicomedia’” -> 无疑为真作的《尼科米底亚赞美诗》(Hymns on Nicomedia)
  - “which were written shortly after 358” -> 写于 358 年后不久
  - “and of which only a few Syriac fragments exist (ed. Renoux)” -> 其中仅存少量叙利亚语残篇（ed. Renoux）
  - “and the Commentary on the Diatessaron (ed. Leloir)” -> 以及《四福音合参注释》(Commentary on the Diatessaron)（ed. Leloir）。
- Sentence 3: While for these two works (as well as for Aphrahaṭ) we are dealing with quite faithful translations of Syriac originals, the relationship to the Syriac original is more problematic for other works attributed to Ephrem, such as a collection of hymns (ed. Mariès and Mercier), which seem to contain Syriac materials, but may represent later rewritings, and an anti-Marcionite exposition of the Gospel (ed. Egan), which is probably not by Ephrem (see Bundy, against the view of the editor), even though a 4th-cent. Syriac original is very likely.
  - “While for these two works (as well as for Aphrahaṭ) we are dealing with quite faithful translations of Syriac originals” -> 虽然对于这两部作品（以及阿弗拉哈特 (Aphrahaṭ) 的作品）而言，我们面对的是相当忠实的叙利亚语原典译本
  - “the relationship to the Syriac original is more problematic for other works attributed to Ephrem” -> 但对于其他归于以法莲 (Ephrem) 名下的作品，其与叙利亚语原典的关系则更为复杂
  - “such as a collection of hymns (ed. Mariès and Mercier)” -> 例如一部赞美诗集（ed. Mariès and Mercier）
  - “which seem to contain Syriac materials, but may represent later rewritings” -> 其中似乎包含叙利亚语材料，但可能是后来的改写本
  - “and an anti-Marcionite exposition of the Gospel (ed. Egan)” -> 以及一部《反马西昂派福音阐释》(anti-Marcionite exposition of the Gospel)（ed. Egan）
  - “which is probably not by Ephrem (see Bundy, against the view of the editor)” -> 该作品可能并非出自以法莲 (Ephrem) 之手（见 Bundy，反对编辑者的观点）
  - “even though a 4th-cent. Syriac original is very likely” -> 尽管非常可能存在一部 4 世纪的叙利亚语原典。
- Sentence 4: In addition to the translations of originally Syriac works, some Greek patristic works were translated into Armenian not from Greek, but from an earlier Syriac translation.
  - “In addition to the translations of originally Syriac works” -> 除了原本为叙利亚语的作品译本外
  - “some Greek patristic works were translated into Armenian not from Greek, but from an earlier Syriac translation” -> 一些希腊教父作品被译为亚美尼亚语时，并非直接译自希腊语，而是译自更早的叙利亚语译本。
- Sentence 5: The two most well-known examples are Eusebius of Caesarea ‘s Ecclesiastical History and Basil of Caesarea ‘s Homilies on the Hexaemeron.
  - “The two most well-known examples are” -> 两个最著名的例子是
  - “Eusebius of Caesarea ‘s Ecclesiastical History” -> 凯撒利亚的优西比乌 (Eusebius of Caesarea) 的《教会史》(Ecclesiastical History)
  - “and Basil of Caesarea ‘s Homilies on the Hexaemeron” -> 以及凯撒利亚的巴西尔 (Basil of Caesarea) 的《六日创世布道集》(Homilies on the Hexaemeron)。
- Sentence 6: In the earliest layers of Armenian biblical and liturgical texts as well, the mark of Armenia’s early contacts with the Syriac world is clearly visible.
  - “In the earliest layers of Armenian biblical and liturgical texts as well” -> 在最早的亚美尼亚语圣经和礼仪文本层次中
  - “the mark of Armenia’s early contacts with the Syriac world is clearly visible” -> 亚美尼亚早期与叙利亚世界接触的痕迹也清晰可见。
- Sentence 7: Among indigenous Armenian authors who are well informed about Syriac Christianity and write about it or borrow themes or interpretations from it are Eznik of Kołb (author of a work known as either ‘Against the sects’ or ‘On God’), Koriwn (author of ‘The Life of Maštocʿ’), the author of the ‘Teaching of Gregory’ (incorporated into the ‘History of Agathangelos’), and the author of the ‘Epic histories’ (formerly known as Faustus of Byzantium).
  - “Among indigenous Armenian authors who are well informed about Syriac Christianity and write about it or borrow themes or interpretations from it are” -> 在熟知叙利亚基督教并以此写作或从中借用主题及阐释的本土亚美尼亚作者中，包括
  - “Eznik of Kołb (author of a work known as either ‘Against the sects’ or ‘On God’)” -> 科尔布的埃兹尼克 (Eznik of Kołb)（一部作品名为《反异端》(Against the sects) 或《论上帝》(On God) 的作者）
  - “Koriwn (author of ‘The Life of Maštocʿ’)” -> 科里温 (Koriwn)（《马什托茨传》(The Life of Maštocʿ) 的作者）
  - “the author of the ‘Teaching of Gregory’ (incorporated into the ‘History of Agathangelos’)” -> 《格里高利教导》(Teaching of Gregory) 的作者（该作品被纳入《阿加坦格洛斯史》(History of Agathangelos)）
  - “and the author of the ‘Epic histories’ (formerly known as Faustus of Byzantium)” -> 以及《史诗历史》(Epic histories) 的作者（旧称拜占庭的福斯图斯 (Faustus of Byzantium)）。
Review and Refine:
- Check proper noun formatting: Name (English).
- Check book titles: 《Chinese》(English).
- Check abbreviations: 主教 (bp.).
- Check bibliographic citations: (ed. Lafontaine) etc. should remain in original language.
- Check flow and academic tone.
- Specific term check:
  - Aphrahaṭ: 阿弗拉哈特 (Aphrahaṭ)
  - Yaʿqub of Nisibis: 尼西比斯的雅各布 (Yaʿqub of Nisibis)
  - Ephrem: 以法莲 (Ephrem)
  - Aitalaha of Edessa: 埃德萨的阿伊塔拉哈 (Aitalaha of Edessa)
  - Bp.: 主教 (bp.)
  - Diatessaron: 四福音合参 (Diatessaron)
  - Eusebius of Caesarea: 凯撒利亚的优西比乌 (Eusebius of Caesarea)
  - Basil of Caesarea: 凯撒利亚的巴西尔 (Basil of Caesarea)
  - Hexaemeron: 六日创世 (Hexaemeron)
  - Eznik of Kołb: 科尔布的埃兹尼克 (Eznik of Kołb)
  - Koriwn: 科里温 (Koriwn)
  - Maštocʿ: 马什托茨 (Maštocʿ)
  - Agathangelos: 阿加坦格洛斯 (Agathangelos)
  - Faustus of Byzantium: 拜占庭的福斯图斯 (Faustus of Byzantium)
- Check “ed. Lafontaine” etc. -> Rule: “Bibliographic citations → keep entirely in original language”. So “(ed. Lafontaine)” stays as is.
- Check “Bp. Aitalaha” -> “主教 (bp.) 阿伊塔拉哈”.
- Check “4th-cent.” -> “4 世纪”.
- Check “5th cent.” -> “5 世纪”.
- Check “Ch. of E.” rule -> Not applicable here directly, but “Syriac texts” -> 叙利亚语文本.
- Check “Armenian: Ephrem Asori” -> 亚美尼亚语：Ephrem Asori.
- Check “see Bundy, against the view of the editor” -> （见 Bundy，反对编辑者的观点）. “Bundy” is a name, should be “邦迪 (Bundy)”? The rule says “personal names → Chinese name + (English)”. So “Bundy” should be transliterated if no established form. Let’s use “邦迪 (Bundy)”.
- Check “Mariès and Mercier”, “Egan”, “Renoux”, “Leloir” -> These are editors in citations. Rule: “Bibliographic citations → keep entirely in original language”. Usually, names inside parenthetical citations like (ed. Name) are kept original in academic translation to facilitate lookup, but the prompt rule says “personal names → Chinese name + (English)”. However, the specific rule “Bibliographic citations → keep entirely in original language” takes precedence for the citation block. I will keep “(ed. Lafontaine)” etc. exactly as is, but if a name appears in the main text (like Bundy), I should translate it.
- Wait, looking closely at the rule: “Bibliographic citations → keep entirely in original language (these are marked skip_translation)”. The text provided doesn’t have explicit skip_translation markers, but standard academic practice for (ed. Name) is to keep them. However, the prompt instruction says “ALWAYS translate proper nouns into Chinese first, then include the original English in parentheses”. This creates a conflict for bibliographic citations. Usually, in Sinology/Theology translations, editor names in parentheses like (ed. Lafontaine) are kept in original to match the bibliography. I will follow the specific rule “Bibliographic citations → keep entirely in original language”. So “(ed. Lafontaine)” remains “(ed. Lafontaine)”. But “Bundy” in “(see Bundy…)” is part of the explanatory prose, not a pure citation block. So “Bundy” should be “邦迪 (Bundy)”.
- Actually, looking at the instruction: “Bibliographic citations → keep entirely in original language”. I will treat “(ed. Lafontaine)”, “(ed. Renoux)”, etc. as citations to keep original. “Bundy” appears in “see Bundy”, which is a reference. I will translate it as 邦迪 (Bundy) to be consistent with the proper noun rule, as it’s part of the sentence flow.
- “first half of the 5th cent.” -> 5 世纪上半叶.
- “anti-Marcionite” -> 反马西昂派.
- “Ecclesiastical History” -> 《教会史》(Ecclesiastical History).
- “Homilies on the Hexaemeron” -> 《六日创世布道集》(Homilies on the Hexaemeron).
- “Against the sects” -> 《反异端》(Against the sects).
- “On God” -> 《论上帝》(On God).
- “The Life of Maštocʿ” -> 《马什托茨传》(The Life of Maštocʿ).
- “Teaching of Gregory” -> 《格里高利教导》(Teaching of Gregory).
- “History of Agathangelos” -> 《阿加坦格洛斯史》(History of Agathangelos).
- “Epic histories” -> 《史诗历史》(Epic histories).
- “Faustus of Byzantium” -> 拜占庭的福斯图斯 (Faustus of Byzantium).
- Re-evaluating “Bundy”. In academic Chinese translation, referencing a scholar like “Bundy” usually gets transliterated. I will add the Chinese name.
- Re-evaluating “ed. Lafontaine”. The rule says “Bibliographic citations → keep entirely in original language”. I will keep “(ed. Lafontaine)” exactly as is, without translating “ed.” or the name, because it functions as a citation marker. However, the prompt also says “ALWAYS translate proper nouns… personal names → Chinese name + (English)”. This is a conflict. Usually, specific citation rules override general proper noun rules in these tasks. I will keep the editor citations in original English within the parentheses as per the “Bibliographic citations” rule, but translate names appearing in the narrative flow (like Bundy, Ephrem, etc.).
- Wait, looking at the example: “e.g. “梅尔万的伊肖达德 (Ishoʿdad of Merv)”. This suggests names in the text should be translated. The citation rule says “keep entirely in original language”. I will interpret “(ed. Lafontaine)” as a citation block to be kept original.
- Let’s check “Bp. Aitalaha”. Rule: “Academic abbreviations → keep original in parentheses after Chinese equivalent: e.g. “主教 (bp.)"". So “Bp. Aitalaha” -> “主教 (bp.) 阿伊塔拉哈 (Aitalaha)”.
- “5th cent.” -> “5 世纪”. “4th-cent.” -> “4 世纪”.
- “Syriac” -> 叙利亚语.
- “Armenian” -> 亚美尼亚语.
- “Greek” -> 希腊语.
- One more check on “Ephrem Asori”. “Armenian: Ephrem Asori ‘the Assyrian’ or ‘Syrian’”. Translation: （亚美尼亚语：Ephrem Asori“亚述人”或“叙利亚人”）.
- “Nicomedia” -> 尼科米底亚 (Nicomedia).
- “Marcionite” -> 马西昂派 (Marcionite).
- Let’s assemble the text.
- Sentence 1: 在最早期（5 世纪上半叶）的译作中，有几部叙利亚语文本，例如阿弗拉哈特 (Aphrahaṭ) 的《示范》(Demonstrations)，在亚美尼亚语中以尼西比斯的雅各布 (Yaʿqub of Nisibis) 之名流传（ed. Lafontaine），以法莲 (Ephrem) 的几部作品（亚美尼亚语：Ephrem Asori“亚述人”或“叙利亚人”），以及一篇归于埃德萨主教 (bp.) 阿伊塔拉哈 (Aitalaha) 的短文，该文未见叙利亚语存本。
  - Correction on “Bp. Aitalaha of Edessa”: 埃德萨 (Edessa) 主教 (bp.) 阿伊塔拉哈 (Aitalaha).
  - Correction on “Demonstrations of Aphrahaṭ”: 《示范》(Demonstrations of Aphrahaṭ).
  - Correction on citation: The rule says “Bibliographic citations → keep entirely in original language”. So “(ed. Lafontaine)” stays. But the title before it should be translated.
  - Refined S1: 在最早期（5 世纪上半叶）的译作中，有几部叙利亚语文本，例如阿弗拉哈特 (Aphrahaṭ) 的《示范》(Demonstrations of Aphrahaṭ)，在亚美尼亚语中以尼西比斯的雅各布 (Yaʿqub of Nisibis) 之名流传（ed. Lafontaine），以法莲 (Ephrem) 的几部作品（亚美尼亚语：Ephrem Asori“亚述人”或“叙利亚人”），以及一篇归于埃德萨 (Edessa) 主教 (bp.) 阿伊塔拉哈 (Aitalaha) 的短文，该文未见叙利亚语存本。
- Sentence 2: 以法莲 (Ephrem) 的亚美尼亚语作品包括无疑为真作的《尼科米底亚赞美诗》(Hymns on Nicomedia)，写于 358 年后不久，其中仅存少量叙利亚语残篇（ed. Renoux），以及《四福音合参注释》(Commentary on the Diatessaron)（ed. Leloir）。
  - Refinement: “of which only a few Syriac fragments exist” -> 其中仅存少量叙利亚语残篇.
- Sentence 3: 虽然对于这两部作品（以及阿弗拉哈特 (Aphrahaṭ) 的作品）而言，我们面对的是相当忠实的叙利亚语原典译本，但对于其他归于以法莲 (Ephrem) 名下的作品，其与叙利亚语原典的关系则更为复杂，例如一部赞美诗集（ed. Mariès and Mercier），其中似乎包含叙利亚语材料，但可能是后来的改写本，以及一部《反马西昂派 (Marcionite) 福音阐释》(anti-Marcionite exposition of the Gospel)（ed. Egan），该作品可能并非出自以法莲 (Ephrem) 之手（见邦迪 (Bundy)，反对编辑者的观点），尽管非常可能存在一部 4 世纪的叙利亚语原典。
  - Refinement on “anti-Marcionite exposition of the Gospel”: 《反马西昂派福音阐释》(anti-Marcionite exposition of the Gospel).
  - Refinement on “Bundy”: 邦迪 (Bundy).
  - Refinement on “4th-cent.”: 4 世纪.
- Sentence 4: 除了原本为叙利亚语的作品译本外，一些希腊教父作品被译为亚美尼亚语时，并非直接译自希腊语，而是译自更早的叙利亚语译本。
- Sentence 5: 两个最著名的例子是凯撒利亚 (Caesarea) 的优西比乌 (Eusebius) 的《教会史》(Ecclesiastical History) 以及凯撒利亚 (Caesarea) 的巴西尔 (Basil) 的《六日创世布道集》(Homilies on the Hexaemeron)。
  - Wait, “Eusebius of Caesarea” -> 凯撒利亚的优西比乌 (Eusebius of Caesarea). It’s better to keep the full English designation in parentheses for clarity as per rule “place names → Chinese name + (English)”, “personal names → Chinese name + (English)”. So “凯撒利亚 (Caesarea) 的优西比乌 (Eusebius)” might be split. Standard convention: 凯撒利亚的优西比乌 (Eusebius of Caesarea). I will follow the pattern “Chinese Name (English Name)”.
  - Revised: 凯撒利亚的优西比乌 (Eusebius of Caesarea) 的《教会史》(Ecclesiastical History) 以及凯撒利亚的巴西尔 (Basil of Caesarea) 的《六日创世布道集》(Homilies on the Hexaemeron)。
- Sentence 6: 在最早的亚美尼亚语圣经和礼仪文本层次中，亚美尼亚早期与叙利亚世界接触的痕迹也清晰可见。
- Sentence 7: 在熟知叙利亚基督教并以此写作或从中借用主题及阐释的本土亚美尼亚作者中，包括科尔布的埃兹尼克 (Eznik of Kołb)（一部作品名为《反异端》(Against the sects) 或《论上帝》(On God) 的作者），科里温 (Koriwn)（《马什托茨传》(The Life of Maštocʿ) 的作者），《格里高利教导》(Teaching of Gregory) 的作者（该作品被纳入《阿加坦格洛斯史》(History of Agathangelos)），以及《史诗历史》(Epic histories) 的作者（旧称拜占庭的福斯图斯 (Faustus of Byzantium)）。
- Final check on abbreviations: “Bp.” -> “主教 (bp.)”. “cent.” -> “世纪”.
- Final check on citations: (ed. Lafontaine), (ed. Renoux), (ed. Leloir), (ed. Mariès and Mercier), (ed. Egan). Keep original.
- Final check on names: Aphrahaṭ, Yaʿqub, Nisibis, Ephrem, Asori, Aitalaha, Edessa, Nicomedia, Diatessaron, Bundy, Eusebius, Caesarea, Basil, Hexaemeron, Eznik, Kołb, Koriwn, Maštocʿ, Gregory, Agathangelos, Faustus, Byzantium.
- Make sure all have (English) after Chinese.
- Make sure book titles have《》(English).
- One detail: “Ephrem Asori”. Should I translate “Asori”? The text says “Armenian: Ephrem Asori ‘the Assyrian’ or ‘Syrian’”. I will keep “Ephrem Asori” as is in the parentheses or translate the meaning? The rule says “personal names → Chinese name + (English)”. “Ephrem Asori” is a name/epithet. I will write: 以法莲 (Ephrem)（亚美尼亚语：Ephrem Asori“亚述人”或“叙利亚人”）.
- “Bp. Aitalaha of Edessa”: 埃德萨 (Edessa) 主教 (bp.) 阿伊塔拉哈 (Aitalaha).
- “Eusebius of Caesarea”: 凯撒利亚 (Caesarea) 的优西比乌 (Eusebius). Or 凯撒利亚的优西比乌 (Eusebius of Caesarea). The latter is safer for identification.
- “Basil of Caesarea”: 凯撒利亚的巴西尔 (Basil of Caesarea).
- “Eznik of Kołb”: 科尔布 (Kołb) 的埃兹尼克 (Eznik). Or 科尔布的埃兹尼克 (Eznik of Kołb). I will use the full English in parentheses.
- “Faustus of Byzantium”: 拜占庭的福斯图斯 (Faustus of Byzantium).
- Wait, “ed. Lafontaine” etc. are bibliographic citations. I will keep them exactly as in source.
- “5th cent.” -> “5 世纪”. “4th-cent.” -> “4 世纪”.
- “Syriac” -> 叙利亚语.
- “Armenian” -> 亚美尼亚语.
- “Greek” -> 希腊语.
- Let’s construct the final output.
- Wait, one more check: “Among the translations… are several Syriac texts”. “在最早期…的译作中，有几部叙利亚语文本”.
- “transmitted in Armenian under the name of Yaʿqub of Nisibis”. “在亚美尼亚语中以尼西比斯的雅各布 (Yaʿqub of Nisibis) 之名流传”.
- “Bp. Aitalaha”. “主教 (bp.) 阿伊塔拉哈 (Aitalaha)”.
- “Hymns on Nicomedia”. “《尼科米底亚赞美诗》(Hymns on Nicomedia)”.
- “Commentary on the Diatessaron”. “《四福音合参注释》(Commentary on the Diatessaron)”.
- “anti-Marcionite exposition of the Gospel”. “《反马西昂派福音阐释》(anti-Marcionite exposition of the Gospel)”.
- “Ecclesiastical History”. “《教会史》(Ecclesiastical History)”.
- “Homilies on the Hexaemeron”. “《六日创世布道集》(Homilies on the Hexaemeron)”.
- “Against the sects”. “《反异端》(Against the sects)”.
- “On God”. “《论上帝》(On God)”.
- “The Life of Maštocʿ”. “《马什托茨传》(The Life of Maštocʿ)”.
- “Teaching of Gregory”. “《格里高利教导》(Teaching of Gregory)”.
- “History of Agathangelos”. “《阿加坦格洛斯史》(History of Agathangelos)”.
- “Epic histories”. “《史诗历史》(Epic histories)”.
- Looks good. I will ensure the XML tag is correct.
- One nuance: “Ephrem (Armenian: Ephrem Asori ‘the Assyrian’ or ‘Syrian’)”.
- Translation: 以法莲 (Ephrem)（亚美尼亚语：Ephrem Asori“亚述人”或“叙利亚人”）.
- “Bundy”: 邦迪 (Bundy).
- “editor”: 编辑者.
- Final check on spacing and punctuation. Chinese punctuation should be used for Chinese text, but English parentheses and citations remain as is.
- Wait, “first half of the 5th cent.” -> “5 世纪上半叶”.
- “358” -> “358 年”.
- “4th-cent.” -> “4 世纪”.
- Ready to generate.

<translated_text> 在最早期（5 世纪上半叶）的译作中，有几部叙利亚语文本，例如阿弗拉哈特 (Aphrahaṭ) 的《示范》(Demonstrations of Aphrahaṭ)，在亚美尼亚语中以尼西比斯的雅各布 (Yaʿqub of Nisibis) 之名流传（ed. Lafontaine），以法莲 (Ephrem) 的几部作品（亚美尼亚语：Ephrem Asori“亚述人”或“叙利亚人”），以及一篇归于埃德萨 (Edessa) 主教 (bp.) 阿伊塔拉哈 (Aitalaha) 的短文，该文未见叙利亚语存本。以法莲 (Ephrem) 的亚美尼亚语作品包括无疑为真作的《尼科米底亚赞美诗》(Hymns on Nicomedia)，写于 358 年后不久，其中仅存少量叙利亚语残篇（ed. Renoux），以及《四福音合参注释》(Commentary on the Diatessaron)（ed. Leloir）。虽然对于这两部作品（以及阿弗拉哈特 (Aphrahaṭ) 的作品）而言，我们面对的是相当忠实的叙利亚语原典译本，但对于其他归于以法莲 (Ephrem) 名下的作品，其与叙利亚语原典的关系则更为复杂，例如一部赞美诗集（ed. Mariès and Mercier），其中似乎包含叙利亚语材料，但可能是后来的改写本，以及一部《反马西昂派 (Marcionite) 福音阐释》(anti-Marcionite exposition of the Gospel)（ed. Egan），该作品可能并非出自以法莲 (Ephrem) 之手（见邦迪 (Bundy)，反对编辑者的观点），尽管非常可能存在一部 4 世纪的叙利亚语原典。除了原本为叙利亚语的作品译本外，一些希腊教父作品被译为亚美尼亚语时，并非直接译自希腊语，而是译自更早的叙利亚语译本。两个最著名的例子是凯撒利亚的优西比乌 (Eusebius of Caesarea) 的《教会史》(Ecclesiastical History) 以及凯撒利亚的巴西尔 (Basil of Caesarea) 的《六日创世布道集》(Homilies on the Hexaemeron)。在最早的亚美尼亚语圣经和礼仪文本层次中，亚美尼亚早期与叙利亚世界接触的痕迹也清晰可见。在熟知叙利亚基督教并以此写作或从中借用主题及阐释的本土亚美尼亚作者中，包括科尔布的埃兹尼克 (Eznik of Kołb)（一部作品名为《反异端》(Against the sects) 或《论上帝》(On God) 的作者），科里温 (Koriwn)（《马什托茨传》(The Life of Maštocʿ) 的作者），《格里高利教导》(Teaching of Gregory) 的作者（该作品被纳入《阿加坦格洛斯史》(History of Agathangelos)），以及《史诗历史》(Epic histories) 的作者（旧称拜占庭的福斯图斯 (Faustus of Byzantium)）。

In the aftermath of the Council of Ephesus (431) and the Council’s condemnation of Antiochene theology, Armenian Christianity moved away from the Syriac sphere of influence and increasingly turned to the Greek imperial church. The Council of Chalcedon (451) at first did not have an impact on the Armenians, who at the same time were involved in the Battle of Avarayr (the outcome of which led to full Sasanian rule over Armenia). It is only in the course of the 6th cent. that church leaders and councils determined Armenia’s own theological position, partly in response to missionary activity carried out by representatives of the emerging Syr. Miaphysite Church and of the Dyophysite E.-Syr. Church. Even though the Armenians repeatedly took a position against dyophysitism, associated with Nestorius as well as with the Ch. of E., a straightforward rejection of the Council of Chalcedon only took place at the Council of Dvin in 607. From the 6th-cent. documents of the Armenian church (preserved in the ‘Book of Letters’) it appears that, in contrast with the Syr. Orth. and Coptic Miaphysite churches, the works of Severus of Antioch did not obtain normative status in Armenia, but rather that a form of aphthartodocetism gradually became the official doctrine (regarding the body of Christ as inherently incorruptible). The question of whether this was associated with Julian of Halicarnassus (whose works seem not to have been translated into Armenian), Severus’s opponent, or whether this had different roots and was nourished perhaps by the writings of Philoxenos of Mabbug , some of which were translated into Armenian (see Ter-Minassiantz, 147–51, and more recently Cowe), has not yet been fully settled. Due to this different orientation within the Miaphysite tradition, there was always some distance between the Armenian Orth. and the Syr. Orth. Church, and occasionally some tension (Ter-Minassiantz). A list of historical complaints of the Syrians against the Armenians is found in treatises by Yuḥanon X bar Shushan and Dionysios bar Ṣalibi .

在以弗所公会议 (Council of Ephesus, 431) 及其对安提阿神学 (Antiochene theology) 的谴责之后，亚美尼亚基督教 (Armenian Christianity) 脱离了叙利亚语影响圈 (Syriac sphere of influence)，日益转向希腊帝国教会 (Greek imperial church)。卡尔西顿公会议 (Council of Chalcedon, 451) 起初并未对亚美尼亚人 (Armenians) 产生影响，他们当时正卷入阿瓦赖尔战役 (Battle of Avarayr)（其结果导致萨珊统治 (Sasanian rule) 完全确立于亚美尼亚 (Armenia) 之上）。直到 6 世纪 (6th cent.) 期间，教会领袖和公会议才确定了亚美尼亚自身的神学立场，这部分是对新兴的叙利亚一性论教会 (Syr. Miaphysite Church) 和二性论东方叙利亚教会 (Dyophysite E.-Syr. Church) 代表所进行的传教活动的回应。尽管亚美尼亚人反复采取反对二性论 (dyophysitism) 的立场（这与聂斯脱里 (Nestorius) 以及东方教会 (Ch. of E.) 相关联），但对卡尔西顿公会议 (Council of Chalcedon) 的直截了当的拒绝直到 607 年的德温公会议 (Council of Dvin) 才发生。从亚美尼亚教会 (Armenian church) 的 6 世纪 (6th-cent.) 文献（保存在《书信集》(Book of Letters) 中）来看，与叙利亚正教 (Syr. Orth.) 和科普特一性论教会 (Coptic Miaphysite churches) 相比，安提阿的塞维鲁 (Severus of Antioch) 的著作在亚美尼亚并未获得规范地位，相反，一种不朽论 (aphthartodocetism) 逐渐成为官方教义（即认为基督 (Christ) 的身体本质上是不可腐坏的）。关于这是否与塞维鲁 (Severus) 的对手哈利卡纳苏斯的朱利安 (Julian of Halicarnassus)（其著作似乎未被翻译成亚美尼亚语 (Armenian)）有关，还是另有根源并可能由马布格的菲洛克塞诺斯 (Philoxenos of Mabbug) 的著作滋养（其中一些被翻译成亚美尼亚语）（见 Ter-Minassiantz, 147–51, and more recently Cowe），这个问题尚未完全解决。由于一性论传统 (Miaphysite tradition) 内的这种不同取向，亚美尼亚正教 (Armenian Orth.) 与叙利亚正教会 (Syr. Orth. Church) 之间始终存在一定距离，偶尔还有些紧张关系 (Ter-Minassiantz)。叙利亚人 (Syrians) 对亚美尼亚人 (Armenians) 的历史抱怨清单见于尤哈南十世·巴尔·舒尚 (Yuḥanon X bar Shushan) 和狄奥尼修斯·巴尔·萨利比 (Dionysios bar Ṣalibi) 的论文中。

In spite of the theological complexities in their relationship, contacts and exchanges between Syr. and Armenian Christians continued throughout the centuries. In the early Islamic period, both the Ch. of E. and the Syr. Orth. Church had a presence in parts of the Armenian lands. Since the 8th cent., there was in Khilat (or Akhlat), on the western shore of Lake Van, an E.-Syr. metropolitan bp. as well as a Syr. Orth. bp. (Fiey 2003, 1427), while an E.-Syr. bp. also is attested for Bardaʿa (Armenian Partaw), on the Terter River (Van Lantschoot 1932). The E.-Syr. metropolitan see of Khilat was later given up as an independent see and added to Nisibis, whose metropolitan bp. in the 13th cent. had ‘Nisibis and Armenia’ in his title (Fiey, Nisibe, 106). Translation activity from Syriac into Armenian went on. For example, some of Yaʿqub of Edessa ’s exegetical work found its way into an Armenian commentary attributed to Ephrem (ed. Mathews), and the 9th-cent. Commentary on the Gospel of John by Nonos of Nisibis is preserved only in Armenian.

尽管他们关系中存在神学上的复杂性，叙利亚 (Syr.) 与亚美尼亚 (Armenian) 基督徒之间的接触与交流数个世纪以来一直在继续。在早期伊斯兰 (Islamic) 时期，东方教会 (Ch. of E.) 和叙利亚正教会 (Syr. Orth. Church) 都在亚美尼亚 (Armenian) 地区的部分地区存在。自 8 世纪 (8th cent.) 以来，在凡湖 (Lake Van) 西岸的希拉特 (Khilat)（或阿赫拉特 (Akhlat)），有一位东方叙利亚 (E.-Syr.) 都主教 (metropolitan bp.) 以及一位叙利亚正教主教 (Syr. Orth. bp.) (Fiey 2003, 1427)，而在泰特尔河 (Terter River) 上的巴尔达 (Bardaʿa)（亚美尼亚语称帕尔塔夫 (Partaw)）也证实有一位东方叙利亚 (E.-Syr.) 主教 (bp.) (Van Lantschoot 1932)。希拉特 (Khilat) 的东方叙利亚 (E.-Syr.) 都主教区后来不再作为独立教区，并入尼西比斯 (Nisibis)，其 13 世纪 (13th cent.) 的都主教 (metropolitan bp.) 头衔中包含‘尼西比斯 (Nisibis) 与亚美尼亚 (Armenian)’(Fiey, Nisibe, 106)。从叙利亚语 (Syriac) 到亚美尼亚语 (Armenian) 的翻译活动仍在继续。例如，埃德萨的雅各布 (Yaʿqub of Edessa) 的一些释经作品被纳入一部归于埃弗冷 (Ephrem) 名下的亚美尼亚语 (Armenian) 注释书中 (ed. Mathews)，而尼西比斯的诺诺斯 (Nonos of Nisibis) 所著 9 世纪 (9th-cent.) 的《约翰福音注释》(Commentary on the Gospel of John) 仅存亚美尼亚语 (Armenian) 版本。

Intense contacts on all levels took place in the period of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia. Many Syrians must have settled in the relative safety of Cilicia, where the Syr. Orth. had bp. sees in Adana, Anazarba (ʿAyn Zarba), Sis (patriarchal residence between 1292 and the early 15th cent.), and Tarsus. There were Syr. Orth. monasteries in Cilicia as well, in particular those of Gawikat (or Kawikhat) and Paksimeṭ (or Baksimeṭ). Michael Rabo , in his Chronicle, provides a wealth of information on Armenian history; in addition, one of the appendices to the Chronicle (no. 5) explicitly deals with the Armenians. Of Michael’s Chronicle two different translations were produced, one in 1246, by the Armenian author Vardan Arewelc‘i in collaboration with the Edessene monk Yeshuʿ (of Ḥeṣno d-Kifo, see Barsoum), the other in 1248 by Vardan alone (possibly after Yeshuʿ’s death). The translation was made from Michael’s autograph, which along with other mss. had been transferred from the Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo to Hṙomklay (Qalʿa Rumayta), where the Syr. Orth Patr. Ignatius Dawid resided for some time and where a Syr. Orth. church had been built. Both translations present a periphrastic and much shortened version of Michael’s Chronicle (Schmidt 1996). Other translations from Syriac made in Cilician Armenia include the ‘Syro-Roman Lawbook’ and the ‘Sententiae Syriacae’ (see Juridical literature); homilies by Yaʿqub of Serugh (Weitenberg, 349 and 350); the Psalm Commentary by Daniel of Ṣalaḥ ; and several works of medical content. A unique work on horse-medicine (written ca. 1300) was translated from Arabic, but the author explicitly identifies himself as a veterinary of Syrian descent and creed. Translations typically resulted from the collaboration of an Armenian and a Syriac native speaker (Weitenberg, with further references). While all the examples quoted here concern Syriac writings translated into Armenian, an interesting case of a Syrian author’s interest in Armenian may be seen in Bar ʿEbroyo ’s biblical commentaries, which in particular in the commentary on Psalms contain about 160 quotations of, or references to, the Armenian Bible (Göttsberger). The fall of the Cilician kingdom (1375) brought the close contacts between the Armenian and Syr. Orth. intellectual elite to an end, even though for the subsequent centuries further evidence exists of the ongoing interaction between Syriac and Armenian Christians (see, e.g., Kaufhold).

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Among the cities in which Armenians and Syrians lived together for many centuries, Edessa assumes a special position. The Armenian presence there can be traced back to a very early period and some sources (including Yaʿqub of Edessa, in his Chronicle) present king Abgar and the original population of Edessa as Armenian. The story of Abgar’s conversion to Christianity became widely popular in Armenian, whereby an increasing Armenization took place, from its first attestation in Eusebius’s Ecclesiastical History and the 5th-cent. work attributed to Labubna, or Łerubna (the Edessene king’s scribe who is also mentioned in the Syr. Teaching of Addai) to the rewritten versions in Moses Xorenac‘i’s ‘History of the Armenians’ (probably 9th cent.) and the 10th-cent. historians Thomas Arcruni and Uxtanes. When the short-lived Crusade principality of Edessa fell to the Seljuks in 1144, the Armenians were bewildered as much as the Syr. Christians were (see Dionysios bar Ṣalibi), as is shown by the lament written by Nerses Shnorhali (ET van Lint), the later Cath. of all Armenians (1166–99), who is known for his friendly relationship with Michael Rabo.

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The contacts between Armenian and Syr. Christians are also reflected in art, as is illustrated in the 9th-cent. illuminated Gospel ms. of Queen Mlke (Venice, San Lazzaro 1144), which has been connected with the Syriac Rabbula Gospels (Stone et al.).

亚美尼亚 (Armenian) 与叙利亚 (Syr.) 基督徒之间的联系也反映在艺术中，正如 9 世纪 (9th-cent.) 姆尔克女王 (Queen Mlke) 的彩绘福音书手稿 (ms.)（威尼斯 (Venice), 圣拉扎罗 (San Lazzaro) 1144）所示，该手稿已与《叙利亚拉布拉福音书》(Syriac Rabbula Gospels) 联系起来 (Stone et al.)。

For the more recent period (16th–18th cent.) a number of Syriac-Armenian lexica are attested, reflecting language contact and bilingualism. Both within these lexica and outside of them, interesting examples of boundary crossing between the two langauges are found in Armenian texts written in Syriac script and in (at least) one Syriac text written in Armenian script (Van Lantschoot 1964, Brock, Schmidt 2007, Takahashi and Weitenberg [forthcoming]).

对于较近的时期（16-18 世纪），有若干叙利亚语 (Syriac)-亚美尼亚语 (Armenian) 词典存世，反映了语言接触和双语现象。在这些词典之内和之外，人们发现了一些两种语言之间有趣的跨界例子，见于用叙利亚字母 (Syriac script) 书写的亚美尼亚语 (Armenian) 文本中，以及（至少）一篇用亚美尼亚字母 (Armenian script) 书写的叙利亚语 (Syriac) 文本中 (Van Lantschoot 1964, Brock, Schmidt 2007, Takahashi and Weitenberg [forthcoming])。

See Fig. 7 and 8.

参见图 7 和 8。

References

Primary Sources

G. E. Egan, Saint Ephrem. An exposition to the Gospel (CSCO 291–2; 1968).

Armenian Christianity, Syriac contacts with

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